Natural Disasters And Natural Changes Economics Essay

Natural Disasters And Natural Changes Economics Essay Natural disasters are the effects which are caused by natural changes in the Earth resulting in greater loss or damage to the lives of people and environment. The impacts of natural disasters currently show that is the major hindering of the economic growth in the World. The process of reconstruction after the damage caused by the natural disaster is cost fully and sometime it is unrenewable, like death of people. Also people looking for survive and no more production in the affected area. These effects cause great impacts in the global economy on the World. 1.2. Aim The aim of this report is to evaluate the effect of natural disaster, such as Japan Earthquake and Sichuan Earthquake on global economy on the World. The disaster causes an economic growth to slow by destructing the major industries and productive areas in Japan and China. But, the report shows that, the Japans Earthquake causes largest economic impacts on the World scale than Sichuan Earthquake. 1.3. Scope This report focuses on global economic impacts on the World caused by these Earthquakes. The major areas affected are industries, export and import trading, oil sector and agriculture sector. 2.0. JAPAN EARTHQUAKE 2.1. Background The Japan Earthquake occurred on March 11, 2011. It measured 8.9 on the Richter scale, and it is the biggest country earthquake and seventh largest on record since began (smh.com.au, march 11, 2011).The major areas affected are Sendai, Ichihara, Fukushima, Onagawa, Ofunato, and Kesennuma.This phenomena causes negative impacts on global economy. Furthermore, it depresses the production from the factories and cause derails on global economy. 2.2. Global Economic Impacts 2.2.1. Death of people People are the main source of labour in the World. This research shows that, about 7,300 people are confirmed dead and nearly 11,000 missing (Sawer, P Cooper 2011). Labour force are important for increasing production in a country, Meanwhile; after this catastrophe, people looking for surviving and no more production of goods made in Industries, Therefore, causes the country to contribute less demand of product global and disrupt other Industries in the World which depend on importation of manufactured goods from Japan. For example Japan exports spare part of cars and semiconductor to USA (Beckman, K 2011). 2.2.2. Damage of Infrastructure Infrastructure is the important for the National development globally and domestically. The damage made on infrastructure is quite make difficulties on growth of economy. The time it takes for infrastructure to rebuild after the effect of earthquake take several days and needs more money. Although the area damaged covers small part in Northern Japan, but it is unavoidable disrupting the economy, because it cause some companies to suspend their services from northern and eastern part of Japan, like delivery company Boeings 787 Dreamliner (Xu, S 2011).This damage of Infrastructure causes the decrease of GDP and stopping or delaying in the contributing in the global development projects. 2.2.3. Damage on Nuclear Reactor Due to closing of the nuclear reactors, which is the main source of power, the economic effect due to this disaster is expected to be huge because many Industries are depending on it. After this disaster, Japan closes their steel mills Industries which are causes the increase of the price of steel in the World and reducing the consumption of iron ore in large amount (Oliver, S 2011). Japans strongest earthquake raises global demand for natural gas, coal and oil products in order to replace the power generated by the closed damaged nuclear reactors (Beckman 2011). Therefore, the disaster shocks the global market. 2.2.4. Export and Import Trade Import and export of goods from Japan and other countries are rarely decreased due to this disaster. China imports metal, and auto parts and electronics from Japan and exports crude oil, and coal to Japan. But due to disruption of economy caused by this earthquake, Japan reduced the order of commodities from other countries. This circumstance affects the International business on global market. 2.2.5. Fall in Gross Domestic Product (GDP) Japans earthquake steep declined Japans economy. The GDP fell by 8.6 per cent. This falling may cause greater negative impact on trade with other countries. Japan runs many projects worldwide to support other countries in development. For example; JICA money to support India-Project may be delayed due to fall in GDP (Panda, R 2011). Delaying on the completion of project on time gives back the growth of economy in the World. 2.2.6. Closing of Factories. The major factories which affected are Toyota Motor Corporation, Nissan Motor Co, Cosmo Oil Co (oil refinery), Fuji Heavy Industries Ltd (Maker of Subaru cars and aircraft), Mitsui Mining and Smelting Co (zinc smelter), Panasonic Corp (producing audio products and digital cameras), Tokyo Electric Power Co (nuclear plant automatically shut), and Tokyo Gas Co. These are the giant companies on the World for delivering output in the World. Example, Toyota produces 420,000 of small cars for export per annually. (Webb, T 2011). Therefore, the products in the global market were decreased and have been more affected by this earthquake. 3.0. SICHUAN EARTHQUAKE 3.1. Background This quake occurred on 12 May 2008. The main cities affected are Beichuan, Dujiangyan, Shifang, Mianzhu, Juyuan, Jiangyou, Miangyang, Chengdu, Qionglai and Deyang (Tu, J 2008). The earthquake measured 7.8 on the Richter scale and enclosed largely to the mountainous areas of Sichuan province, leaving the important area for industrial centers undamaged (Chan, J 2008). Sichuan province contributes about 4% of the total China Gross Domestic Product (GDP) and only contributes 2.5 % of Chinas manufacturing product. (Chan, J 2008).Therefore, the Sichuan earthquake contribute a small relative impacts on global economy on the World. 3.2. Global Economic Impacts 3.2.1 Industries Closed The number of Industries closed was about 14,207. This effect deteriorated production of the countrys economy. China is one of the major producers of agriculture equipment on the World. (Chan, J 2008). Thus, this earthquake disaster is lowering the global economy on agriculture sector from countries which import agriculture machine from China. 3.2.2 Hydropower The Sichuan is the common regions for hydropower generation in China (Chan, J 2008). The hydropower situated in Sichuan province were cut off to produce the power to the national grid, this causing some Industries to close its operation due to shorted of power and hence the GDP slow down. The exportation of commodities produced by these Industries was not sufficient to meet the demand of the world. 3.2.3 Industries Labour Sichuan province is a largest provider of the cheap labour force; it provides about 20 million migrant labours to the rest of the regions of China (Chan, J 2008). These numbers of migrant labours, if they turn back to their home in order to increase the effort in reconstruction of the area which was damaged by the earthquake, it will increase labours deficit in other parts in China. This situation, will increase the pressure for wage payment and retarding the China economy and the World economy in general. 3.2.4 Price of the Commodities The Sichuan disaster causes the rise of global prices of commodities. Crude oil prices in United States went beyond $130 per barrel after the effect of the earthquake, this is due to China is the second worlds largest consumer of oil, Japan is also affected by this earthquake; it imports 90% of metallic silicon, a material used to make semiconductors and solar cells. Most of the silicon comes from Sichuan province. The price rose from the pre-quake level of $US2,300 per ton to $2,500. And it is possible the price could rise to $3,000 due to shortages of commodity (Chan, J 2008). 3.2.5 Energy Infrastructure The Sichuan Province is reach in hydro power, coal and natural gases production, it produce 71.2% of hydropower, 27.3% of coal, and 1.5% of natural gases (Fogarty M, 2011). The damage of energy infrastructure during the earthquake is likely holding back the enthusiasm of energy production. Decrease in production of energy causes the industries to slow up the production of goods. This causes them to affect the global economy 4.0 CONCLUSION The Japan Earthquake causes greater global economic impacts compared to the Sichuan Earthquake. The Sichuan Earthquake contributes only 4.2 of the GDP of the China and causing the falling of 0.2 % of the economy growth in China. The Japan Earthquake hit the major area for industries; like Automakers Industries, Fuji heavy Industry, Sony, Nuclear reactors, which is the main source of power in many giant Industries, which result many industries to be closed, thus no production made. Also, this Earthquake causes a loss of $US 100 billion. This earthquake causes the oil price to fall by 3% because Japan stops importing oil from other countries and is the one of the Worlds largest importers of oil.Lastly, the earthquake decline in orders of coal, iron ore from Australia, which is the second largest trading partner. Therefore, Japan Earthquake has greater global economic effect than Sichuan Earthquake in China.

Oppression of First Nation People

How is it that the indigenous of Canada transpire into the minority and oppressed? Specifically, how are First Nations women vulnerable to multiple prejudices? What are the origins of prejudice & oppression experienced by First Nations women in Canada,   how has this prejudice been maintained, what is its impact and how can it best be addressed? Ever since the late 1400’s when the European discovered North America they brought along with them a practice of domination leaving the first nation people with very little rights forcing them to stand defenceless.Ever since the settlers arrived, the lives of the First Nation people have forever been damaged with the implementation of new ways of living. These changes have created an image of what First Nations people are prejudiced as. These prejudices have lead to stereotypes and even forms of discrimination and racism. Unfortunately, the majority of the beliefs are negative and have been widespread amongst non First Nations people . Some of the unfortunate cultural stereotypes that exist in today’s society are that First Nations people are; poor, uneducated, dirty, bad parents, and alcoholics.These beliefs and attitudes can all be rooted from practices that European settlers have indirectly instilled within Canada’s institutional procedure. Systemic prejudice and oppression towards First Nations women can be best explained as the result of formal and informal colonial policies and so can be best addressed by changing the prejudiced individual. A chief illustration of prejudice that First Nations women experience is through the health care system.The health care system has and continues to; discriminate, execute racism as well as permits structured inequalities that only hinders First Nations women. Health care is a direct reflection of the social, political, economic, and ideological relations that exist between patients and the dominant health care system (Browne and Fiske 2001). Internal colon ial politics throughout the years has had a major influence on the dominant health care system in Canada; this has resulted in the marginalization of First Nations people. The colonial legacy of subordination of Aboriginal people has resulted in a ultiple jeopardy for Aboriginal women who face individual and institutional discrimination, and disadvantages on the basis of race, gender, and class (Gerber, 1990; Dion Stout, 1996;Voyageur, 1996). This political reality is alive in the structural and institutional level but most importantly originated from the individual level that has affected the health care experience by First Nations women. According to the 2006 Statistics Canada, First Nations people surpassed the one-million mark, reaching 1,172,790 (Stats Canada, 2006). As the population seems to increase, a linear relationship seems to arise with hopelessness in health.Therefore, as First Nations people population increase so is the disparity in health. In comparison to non- Firs t Nations people, there seems to be a large gap with health care service. It use to be assumed that the reason why First Nations people try to avoid conventional health care and instead prefer using healing and spiritual methods. According to a survey conducted, Waldram (1990) found that urban First Nations people continue to utilize traditional healing practices while living in the city, particularly as a complement to contemporary health.This means that they do in fact use conventional health care but also take part in healing practices. According to the Department of Indian Affairs and Northern Development, statistics showed that: †¢The life expectancy of registered Indian women was 6. 9 years fewer than for women in the total population. †¢Mortality rates in were 10. 5 per 1,000 compared to 6. 5 for all women. †¢Unemployment rates in for women on reserve (26. 1%) were more than 2. 5 times higher than for non-Aboriginal women (9. 9%), with overall unemployment on r eserves estimated at 43%. In urban centers, 80% to 90% of Aboriginal female-led households were found to exist below the poverty line, resulting largely from dependence on meagre levels of social assistance (Department of Indian Affairs and Northern Development, n. d. ). These inequities in health and social indicators are perfect examples of the affect of political and economic factors that influence access to health services (Browne and Fiske 2001). Health care for First Nations people, specifically for those who live in reserve communities receiving federally run services, has been founded on colonial ideology.This allowed and influenced the beginning of dependency of the First Nations people upon the European policy makers (Browne and Fiske 2001). First Nations women have been exceptionally affected. A severe example of oppression in health care was the sterilization of First Nations women in the early 1970s, reportedly without their full consent. During the late 1960s and the e arly 1970s, a policy of involuntary surgical sterilization was imposed upon Native American women, usually without their knowledge or consent (First Nations).This practice was a federally funded service . Such sterilization practices are clearly a blatant breach of the United Nations Genocide Convention, which declares it an international crime to impose â€Å"measures intended to prevent births within [a national, ethnical, racial or religious] group (First Nations). Policies such as these allowed for the First Nations women to stay defenceless. Today there are still many examples of how systemically prejudice still exists.Today, Canadian nurses and physicians often hold and maintain negative stereotypes about aboriginal men, women and children, in turn, provide health care that is not â€Å"culturally sensitive† (Browne and Fiske 2001). For instance, nurses may ask more probing questions regarding domestic violence and make more referrals about suspected child abuse for ab original clients than for white clients. Studies with aboriginal Canadian women also reveal that some participant feel their health concerns are trivialized, dismissed or neglected due to stereotypic beliefs of nurses and physicians (Browne and Fiske 2001).Some aboriginal women have even reported feeling like outsiders who are not entitled to health care services. This indicates that aboriginal people`s negative experience with health care professionals have compromised the quality of care they receive. This then reinforces their perception that aboriginal values are not respected by the western medical establishment and instilled feelings of mistrust toward care providers (Browne and Fiske 2001).Marginalization from dominant political, economic, social, and health sectors arises from and reinforces racial stereotypes that contribute to views of Aboriginal people as â€Å"other† (Browne and Fiske 2001). For example, all those that are recognized as having â€Å"Status Indian s,† members of the First Nation community they are entitled to non-insured health benefits that no other Canadians receive. This has created bitterness and hatred from members of the dominant society with respect to â€Å"free† health services and often is seen as an addition of welfare.Members of the First Nation are acutely aware of the views commonly held by members of the dominant society and recognize that these perceptions contribute to negative stereotypes and the processes of â€Å"othering† that further alienates them from the dominant health sector † (Browne and Fiske 2001). In addition to having the Indian status card, residential school practices have had an influence on individuals. This again is an illustration of political power that had an influence on the mistreatment and abuse of children at these schools.From 1917 to 1946, children of this First Nation were compelled to attend residential school to receive an education (Nelson, 2006). At these schools that are supposed to be a building of which education is suppose to be taught there were many instances of physical and sexual abuses that created a lifetime of fear, humiliation, and mistrust. These abuses and the shame expectancies taught by the very strict teachings of sexual modesty and morality are compounded by the lived experiences of maltreatment (Nelson, 2006).The social harm of enforced residential schooling is enormous; this combined with economic and political relations shape women’s health care. Many First Nations women feel as though there are dismissed by their health care providers. They believe their health concerns or symptoms were not taken seriously. They were either seen as inconsequential or simply dismissed by providers of which predominantly were doctors or Nurses (Nelson, 2006). The nurses and doctors assumed there was nothing wrong before assessing the patient’s condition. Individuals feel as though they have to transforming thei r image to gain credibility.So they feel as though they have to dress up when going to the doctors. The risk of being dismissed was compounded by some women’s reluctance to admit to pain or to outwardly express suffering, which is what they had been taught by their Catholic teachers in residential school (Nelson, 2006). Therefore, they are more likely to wait until there condition is severe before seeking services, since past experiences cause them to fear that she will be dismissed by her provider. In addition, health care providers stereotype First Nations women as being very passive participants in health care.But what they fail to realize is that they again were taught specific ways of expressing respect one of which was to act unassertive (Nelson, 2006). Another prejudice that First Nations encounter by health care providers are the judgments on the women as mothers. Extreme actions are usually taken by hospital staff based on assumptions. This is also another factor lea ding to individuals trying to transform themselves. They try to change their appearance so that they look like credible medical subjects to be treated equally as the every other patient.Often a difficult task when First Nation people feel like outsiders. Systemic prejudice and oppression towards First Nations women can be best explained as the result of formal and informal colonial policies and so can be best addressed by changing the prejudiced individual. A chief illustration of prejudice that First Nations women experience is through the health care system. The health care system has and continues to; discriminate, execute racism as well as permits structured inequalities that only hinders First Nations women.The implications of providing health care to Aboriginal women must be critically analyzed to consider the unique social, political, economic, and historical factors influencing health care encounters at individual and institutional levels (Nelson, 2006). Women of First Natio ns are aware of the different ways in which racial and gendered stereotypes and economic privation can influence the health care they receive (Nelson, 2006). Health care is a basic necessity that many of us take for granted. This disadvantage is also a representation of a First Nations woman`s everyday social experience.The tendency of Western nurses and doctors to bracket out the sociological and political context of health care encounters involving Aboriginal patients, however, stems from their professional socialization and predominantly middle-class values (O’Neil, 1989). It has been proven that there is in fact an institutional and colonial relationship with health care. Institutions are powerful symbols of Canada`s recent colonial past that currently affects Canadians. First Nations patient today are experiencing discriminatory behaviour from health care providers and as a result disempowering them.The difficulty has been addressed and the time now is to solve this prob lem. Given the political and ideological context of relations between First Nations people and the Canadian state, power imbalances that give rise to the women’s concerns regarding their health care are unlikely to be redressed without radical changes in the current sociological and political environment (Nelson, 2006). Health practitioners as well as policy makers would need to integrate their work to create health care policies, practices, and educational programs.Moreover, since we are fully aware that systemic institutionalizations are originally rooted from individuals the approach to solve this problem would be by trying to reduce prejudice by changing the prejudiced individual (Morrison & Morrison, 2008). It seemed fairly obvious that because prejudice originated from the one who was doing the stereotyping that if society wants to reduce or eliminate such behaviour, it ought to direct its attention to changing that individual (Morrison & Morrison, 2008).Thus reduction efforts using education, ad role playing, propaganda and confrontation techniques are examples of attempts to reduce prejudice (Morrison & Morrison, 2008). The shift in individual behaviours will in turn change mainstream health care. References Browne, A. J. , and Fiske, J. (2001). First Nations women’s encounters with mainstream health care services. Western Journal of Nursing, 23, 126- 147. Dion Stout, M. D. (1996). Aboriginal Canada:Women and health. Paper prepared for the Canada-U. S. A. Forum onWomen’s Health [Online]. Ottawa, Canada. Available: http://www. c-sc. gc. ca/canusa/papers/canada/english/indigen. htm Forced Sterilization of Native Americans. (n. d. ). In Encyclopedia Net Industries online. Retrieved from http://encyclopedia. jrank. org/articles/pages/6242/Forced-Sterilization-of-Native-Americans. html Gerber, L. M. (1990). Multiple jeopardy: A socio-economic comparison of men and women among the Indian, Metis and Inuit peoples of Canada. Canadian Ethni c Studies, 22(3), 69-84. Morrison, G. T. , & Morrison, A. M. (Eds. ). (2008). The psychology of Modern Prejudice. New York, NY: Nova Science Publishers, Inc. Nelson, D.T. (2006). The Psychology of Prejudice. Boston, MA: Pearson Education, Inc. O’Neil, J. D. (1989). The cultural and political context of patient dissatisfaction in cross-cultural clinical encounters: A Canadian Inuit study. Medical Anthropology Quarterly, 3(4), 325-344 Stats Canada. (2006). First Nations Health Care. Retrieved from http://www12. statcan. ca/census-recensement/2006/index-eng. cfm Voyageur, C. J. (1996). Contemporary Indian women. In D. A. Long & O. P. Dickason (Eds. ), Visions of the heart: Canadian aboriginal issues (pp. 93-115). Toronto, Canada: Harcourt Brace Oppression of First Nation People How is it that the indigenous of Canada transpire into the minority and oppressed? Specifically, how are First Nations women vulnerable to multiple prejudices? What are the origins of prejudice & oppression experienced by First Nations women in Canada,   how has this prejudice been maintained, what is its impact and how can it best be addressed? Ever since the late 1400’s when the European discovered North America they brought along with them a practice of domination leaving the first nation people with very little rights forcing them to stand defenceless.Ever since the settlers arrived, the lives of the First Nation people have forever been damaged with the implementation of new ways of living. These changes have created an image of what First Nations people are prejudiced as. These prejudices have lead to stereotypes and even forms of discrimination and racism. Unfortunately, the majority of the beliefs are negative and have been widespread amongst non First Nations people . Some of the unfortunate cultural stereotypes that exist in today’s society are that First Nations people are; poor, uneducated, dirty, bad parents, and alcoholics.These beliefs and attitudes can all be rooted from practices that European settlers have indirectly instilled within Canada’s institutional procedure. Systemic prejudice and oppression towards First Nations women can be best explained as the result of formal and informal colonial policies and so can be best addressed by changing the prejudiced individual. A chief illustration of prejudice that First Nations women experience is through the health care system.The health care system has and continues to; discriminate, execute racism as well as permits structured inequalities that only hinders First Nations women. Health care is a direct reflection of the social, political, economic, and ideological relations that exist between patients and the dominant health care system (Browne and Fiske 2001). Internal colon ial politics throughout the years has had a major influence on the dominant health care system in Canada; this has resulted in the marginalization of First Nations people. The colonial legacy of subordination of Aboriginal people has resulted in a ultiple jeopardy for Aboriginal women who face individual and institutional discrimination, and disadvantages on the basis of race, gender, and class (Gerber, 1990; Dion Stout, 1996;Voyageur, 1996). This political reality is alive in the structural and institutional level but most importantly originated from the individual level that has affected the health care experience by First Nations women. According to the 2006 Statistics Canada, First Nations people surpassed the one-million mark, reaching 1,172,790 (Stats Canada, 2006). As the population seems to increase, a linear relationship seems to arise with hopelessness in health.Therefore, as First Nations people population increase so is the disparity in health. In comparison to non- Firs t Nations people, there seems to be a large gap with health care service. It use to be assumed that the reason why First Nations people try to avoid conventional health care and instead prefer using healing and spiritual methods. According to a survey conducted, Waldram (1990) found that urban First Nations people continue to utilize traditional healing practices while living in the city, particularly as a complement to contemporary health.This means that they do in fact use conventional health care but also take part in healing practices. According to the Department of Indian Affairs and Northern Development, statistics showed that: †¢The life expectancy of registered Indian women was 6. 9 years fewer than for women in the total population. †¢Mortality rates in were 10. 5 per 1,000 compared to 6. 5 for all women. †¢Unemployment rates in for women on reserve (26. 1%) were more than 2. 5 times higher than for non-Aboriginal women (9. 9%), with overall unemployment on r eserves estimated at 43%. In urban centers, 80% to 90% of Aboriginal female-led households were found to exist below the poverty line, resulting largely from dependence on meagre levels of social assistance (Department of Indian Affairs and Northern Development, n. d. ). These inequities in health and social indicators are perfect examples of the affect of political and economic factors that influence access to health services (Browne and Fiske 2001). Health care for First Nations people, specifically for those who live in reserve communities receiving federally run services, has been founded on colonial ideology.This allowed and influenced the beginning of dependency of the First Nations people upon the European policy makers (Browne and Fiske 2001). First Nations women have been exceptionally affected. A severe example of oppression in health care was the sterilization of First Nations women in the early 1970s, reportedly without their full consent. During the late 1960s and the e arly 1970s, a policy of involuntary surgical sterilization was imposed upon Native American women, usually without their knowledge or consent (First Nations).This practice was a federally funded service . Such sterilization practices are clearly a blatant breach of the United Nations Genocide Convention, which declares it an international crime to impose â€Å"measures intended to prevent births within [a national, ethnical, racial or religious] group (First Nations). Policies such as these allowed for the First Nations women to stay defenceless. Today there are still many examples of how systemically prejudice still exists.Today, Canadian nurses and physicians often hold and maintain negative stereotypes about aboriginal men, women and children, in turn, provide health care that is not â€Å"culturally sensitive† (Browne and Fiske 2001). For instance, nurses may ask more probing questions regarding domestic violence and make more referrals about suspected child abuse for ab original clients than for white clients. Studies with aboriginal Canadian women also reveal that some participant feel their health concerns are trivialized, dismissed or neglected due to stereotypic beliefs of nurses and physicians (Browne and Fiske 2001).Some aboriginal women have even reported feeling like outsiders who are not entitled to health care services. This indicates that aboriginal people`s negative experience with health care professionals have compromised the quality of care they receive. This then reinforces their perception that aboriginal values are not respected by the western medical establishment and instilled feelings of mistrust toward care providers (Browne and Fiske 2001).Marginalization from dominant political, economic, social, and health sectors arises from and reinforces racial stereotypes that contribute to views of Aboriginal people as â€Å"other† (Browne and Fiske 2001). For example, all those that are recognized as having â€Å"Status Indian s,† members of the First Nation community they are entitled to non-insured health benefits that no other Canadians receive. This has created bitterness and hatred from members of the dominant society with respect to â€Å"free† health services and often is seen as an addition of welfare.Members of the First Nation are acutely aware of the views commonly held by members of the dominant society and recognize that these perceptions contribute to negative stereotypes and the processes of â€Å"othering† that further alienates them from the dominant health sector † (Browne and Fiske 2001). In addition to having the Indian status card, residential school practices have had an influence on individuals. This again is an illustration of political power that had an influence on the mistreatment and abuse of children at these schools.From 1917 to 1946, children of this First Nation were compelled to attend residential school to receive an education (Nelson, 2006). At these schools that are supposed to be a building of which education is suppose to be taught there were many instances of physical and sexual abuses that created a lifetime of fear, humiliation, and mistrust. These abuses and the shame expectancies taught by the very strict teachings of sexual modesty and morality are compounded by the lived experiences of maltreatment (Nelson, 2006).The social harm of enforced residential schooling is enormous; this combined with economic and political relations shape women’s health care. Many First Nations women feel as though there are dismissed by their health care providers. They believe their health concerns or symptoms were not taken seriously. They were either seen as inconsequential or simply dismissed by providers of which predominantly were doctors or Nurses (Nelson, 2006). The nurses and doctors assumed there was nothing wrong before assessing the patient’s condition. Individuals feel as though they have to transforming thei r image to gain credibility.So they feel as though they have to dress up when going to the doctors. The risk of being dismissed was compounded by some women’s reluctance to admit to pain or to outwardly express suffering, which is what they had been taught by their Catholic teachers in residential school (Nelson, 2006). Therefore, they are more likely to wait until there condition is severe before seeking services, since past experiences cause them to fear that she will be dismissed by her provider. In addition, health care providers stereotype First Nations women as being very passive participants in health care.But what they fail to realize is that they again were taught specific ways of expressing respect one of which was to act unassertive (Nelson, 2006). Another prejudice that First Nations encounter by health care providers are the judgments on the women as mothers. Extreme actions are usually taken by hospital staff based on assumptions. This is also another factor lea ding to individuals trying to transform themselves. They try to change their appearance so that they look like credible medical subjects to be treated equally as the every other patient.Often a difficult task when First Nation people feel like outsiders. Systemic prejudice and oppression towards First Nations women can be best explained as the result of formal and informal colonial policies and so can be best addressed by changing the prejudiced individual. A chief illustration of prejudice that First Nations women experience is through the health care system. The health care system has and continues to; discriminate, execute racism as well as permits structured inequalities that only hinders First Nations women.The implications of providing health care to Aboriginal women must be critically analyzed to consider the unique social, political, economic, and historical factors influencing health care encounters at individual and institutional levels (Nelson, 2006). Women of First Natio ns are aware of the different ways in which racial and gendered stereotypes and economic privation can influence the health care they receive (Nelson, 2006). Health care is a basic necessity that many of us take for granted. This disadvantage is also a representation of a First Nations woman`s everyday social experience.The tendency of Western nurses and doctors to bracket out the sociological and political context of health care encounters involving Aboriginal patients, however, stems from their professional socialization and predominantly middle-class values (O’Neil, 1989). It has been proven that there is in fact an institutional and colonial relationship with health care. Institutions are powerful symbols of Canada`s recent colonial past that currently affects Canadians. First Nations patient today are experiencing discriminatory behaviour from health care providers and as a result disempowering them.The difficulty has been addressed and the time now is to solve this prob lem. Given the political and ideological context of relations between First Nations people and the Canadian state, power imbalances that give rise to the women’s concerns regarding their health care are unlikely to be redressed without radical changes in the current sociological and political environment (Nelson, 2006). Health practitioners as well as policy makers would need to integrate their work to create health care policies, practices, and educational programs.Moreover, since we are fully aware that systemic institutionalizations are originally rooted from individuals the approach to solve this problem would be by trying to reduce prejudice by changing the prejudiced individual (Morrison & Morrison, 2008). It seemed fairly obvious that because prejudice originated from the one who was doing the stereotyping that if society wants to reduce or eliminate such behaviour, it ought to direct its attention to changing that individual (Morrison & Morrison, 2008).Thus reduction efforts using education, ad role playing, propaganda and confrontation techniques are examples of attempts to reduce prejudice (Morrison & Morrison, 2008). The shift in individual behaviours will in turn change mainstream health care. References Browne, A. J. , and Fiske, J. (2001). First Nations women’s encounters with mainstream health care services. Western Journal of Nursing, 23, 126- 147. Dion Stout, M. D. (1996). Aboriginal Canada:Women and health. Paper prepared for the Canada-U. S. A. Forum onWomen’s Health [Online]. Ottawa, Canada. Available: http://www. c-sc. gc. ca/canusa/papers/canada/english/indigen. htm Forced Sterilization of Native Americans. (n. d. ). In Encyclopedia Net Industries online. Retrieved from http://encyclopedia. jrank. org/articles/pages/6242/Forced-Sterilization-of-Native-Americans. html Gerber, L. M. (1990). Multiple jeopardy: A socio-economic comparison of men and women among the Indian, Metis and Inuit peoples of Canada. Canadian Ethni c Studies, 22(3), 69-84. Morrison, G. T. , & Morrison, A. M. (Eds. ). (2008). The psychology of Modern Prejudice. New York, NY: Nova Science Publishers, Inc. Nelson, D.T. (2006). The Psychology of Prejudice. Boston, MA: Pearson Education, Inc. O’Neil, J. D. (1989). The cultural and political context of patient dissatisfaction in cross-cultural clinical encounters: A Canadian Inuit study. Medical Anthropology Quarterly, 3(4), 325-344 Stats Canada. (2006). First Nations Health Care. Retrieved from http://www12. statcan. ca/census-recensement/2006/index-eng. cfm Voyageur, C. J. (1996). Contemporary Indian women. In D. A. Long & O. P. Dickason (Eds. ), Visions of the heart: Canadian aboriginal issues (pp. 93-115). Toronto, Canada: Harcourt Brace

Does a Revolution Always Have to Include Terror Essay

The radical leader of the Committee of Public Safety, Robespierre had fanatic and opinionated ideas and beliefs that made him a passionate leader. He believes that to safely go through the stormy revolution, the people’s behavior should be regulated by stormy circumstances, and their plans should be based on the combination of the spirit of revolutionary government and democracy. Virtue, the â€Å"fundamental principle of the democratic government,† was a strong factor of his viewpoint. He thinks that if there is no virtue in the government, then the people’s virtue can be a source, but when the people are corrupted too, there is no chance of winning liberty. These ideas did no harm; they were beneficial and very true. However, he also had radical ideas that were appalling and that weren’t necessarily correct. In his opinion, the people should be lead by reason and the people’s enemies by terror. Robespierre also mentions that a popular government in revolution evolves from virtue and terror. This is his outlook on virtue and terror: â€Å"virtue, without terror is fatal; terror, without which virtue is powerless.† He says, â€Å"the characteristic of popular government is confidence in the people and severity towards itself.† In other words, the popular government has to have confidence in the people and be strict and severe with itself. According to him, terror is the principle of despotic government and he thinks that because of this, the despot may govern by terror his brutalized subjects and subdue by terror the enemies of liberty. Even though these are only his opinions, his perspectives on the use of terror and ruthlessness led him to cause the Reign of Terror and ultimately led him to his execution on July 28, 1794. A revolution doesn’t necessarily have to include terror and the popular government does not have to be ruthless to its people, because then the revolutionaries may lose their supporters (or they may even revolt) and the radicals might have to face more enemies. This was true, because Robespierre’s former followers had him arrested and executed, and the day after the execution, everyone felt relieved. The famous radical leader’s attributes and beliefs led the country into terror and himself to his end.

University of Vermont Acceptance Rate, SAT/ACT Scores, GPA

The University of Vermont is a public university with an acceptance rate of 68%. Founded in 1791, UVM is the fifth oldest university in New England, and it is the first university in the country to admit women and African-Americans into its chapter of the prestigious  Phi Beta Kappa  Honor Society. The university has a 15-to-1  student/faculty ratio. Located in Burlington, UVM has a picturesque campus that sits on the shore of Lake Champlain with the Adirondack Mountains to the west and the Green Mountains to the east. On the athletic front, the Vermont Catamounts compete in the NCAA Division I America East Conference. Considering applying to University of Vermont? Here are the admissions statistics you should know, including average SAT/ACT scores and GPAs of admitted students. Acceptance Rate During the 2017-18 admissions cycle, University of Vermont had an acceptance rate of 68%. This means that for every 100 students who applied, 68 students were admitted, making UVMs admissions process somewhat competitive. Admissions Statistics (2017-18) Number of Applicants 21,263 Percent Admitted 68% Percent Admitted Who Enrolled (Yield) 18% SAT Scores and Requirements University of Vermont requires that all applicants submit either SAT or ACT scores. During the 2017-18 admissions cycle, 77% of admitted students submitted SAT scores. SAT Range (Admitted Students) Section 25th Percentile 75th Percentile ERW 600 680 Math 580 680 ERW=Evidence-Based Reading and Writing This admissions data tells us that most of University of Vermonts admitted students fall within the top 35% nationally on the SAT. For the evidence-based reading and writing section, 50% of students admitted to UVM scored between 600 and 680, while 25% scored below 600 and 25% scored above 680. On the math section, 50% of admitted students scored between 580 and 680, while 25% scored below 580 and 25% scored above 680. Applicants with a composite SAT score of 1360 or higher will have particularly competitive chances at UVM. Requirements University of Vermont does not require the SAT writing section or SAT Subject tests. Note that UVM participates in the scorechoice program, which means that the admissions office will consider your highest score from each individual section across all SAT test dates. ACT Scores and Requirements UVM requires that all applicants submit either SAT or ACT scores. During the 2017-18 admissions cycle, 37% of admitted students submitted ACT scores. ACT Range (Admitted Students) Section 25th Percentile 75th Percentile English 25 33 Math 24 29 Composite 26 31 This admissions data tells us that most of UVMs admitted students fall within the top 18% nationally on the ACT. The middle 50% of students admitted to University of Vermont received a composite ACT score between 26 and 31, while 25% scored above 31 and 25% scored below 26. Requirements University of Vermont does not require the ACT writing section. Unlike many universities, UVM superscores ACT results; your highest subscores from multiple ACT sittings will be considered. GPA In 2018, the average high school GPA of University of Vermonts incoming freshmen class was 3.7. This information suggests that most successful applicants to UVM have primarily A grades. Self-Reported GPA/SAT/ACT Graph University of Vermont Applicants Self-Reported GPA/SAT/ACT Graph. Data courtesy of Cappex. The admissions data in the graph is self-reported by applicants to University of Vermont. GPAs are unweighted. Find out how you compare to accepted students, see the real-time graph, and calculate your chances of getting in  with a free Cappex account. Admissions Chances The University of Vermont, which accepts over two-thirds of applicants, has a somewhat selective admissions process. If your SAT/ACT scores and GPA fall within the schools average ranges, you have a strong chance of being accepted. However, UVM has a  holistic admissions process involving other factors beyond your grades and test scores. A  strong application essay, optional supplemental essay, and glowing  letter of recommendation  can strengthen your application, as can participation in  meaningful extracurricular activities  and a  rigorous course schedule. Students with particularly compelling stories or achievements can still receive serious consideration even if their scores are outside of UVMs average range. In the graph above, the blue and green dots represent accepted students. Most successful applicants had GPAs of B or better, combined SAT scores of 1100 or higher, and ACT composite scores of 23 or better. Your chances are best if those numbers are a little higher. If You Like the University of Vermont, You May Also Like These Schools University of New HampshireUMass AmherstUniversity of ConnecticutBoston UniversityMiddlebury CollegeNortheastern UniversityUniversity of MaineRochester Institute of Technology All admissions data has been sourced from the National Center for Education Statistics and University of Vermont Undergraduate Admissions Office.